Zbigniew Brzezinski on the New Malaise
Posted By WilliamHeise on July 27, 2010
Found this on the web today. It is an exchange between Pat Buchanan and Zbigniew Brzezinski on the Morning Joe program on MSNBC. Buchanan is trying to articulate a point about the complicated political atmosphere in America today, and Brzezinski credits this to a return of a ‘national malaise’ to American politics.
The Old Malaise
This is an idea that was put forth in one of the most depressing speeches by Jimmy’s Carter towards the end of his depressing administration.
Growing up in America in the 70s, I hated the national malaise, and this is why I liked the 80s so much. If we were to believe Carter, the best days of America were behind us. America had been captured by special (and moneyed) interests. Here’s an excerpt:
What you see often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-financed and powerful special interests.
Carter was attempting to restore ‘balance’ to a country that had gotten off track so he could move the country forward.
You often see a balanced and a fair approach that demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and without friends.
Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don’t like it, and neither do I. What can we do?
President Carter had an answer:
First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. We simply must have faith in each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this Nation. Restoring that faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this generation of Americans.
‘A City on a Hill’
In the election of Ronald Reagan to replace Carter, the country moved beyond the national malaise. Growing older in Ronald Reagan’s America, I was able to see beyond Carter’s malaise speech to a vision of America restored to its ‘City on a Hill’ status.
This is an old idea in America, going back to Winthrop’s invocation of the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5:14) in his 1630 sermon ‘A Model of Christian Charity.’
For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us. So that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken… we shall be made a story and a by-word throughout the world. We shall open the mouths of enemies to speak evil of the ways of God… We shall shame the faces of many of God’s worthy servants, and cause their prayers to be turned into curses upon us til we be consumed out of the good land whither we are a-going.
The modern version of this idea was born of JFK’s invocation of the ‘city on a hill’ metaphor during an address to the General Court of Massachusetts on January 9, 1961.
…I have been guided by the standard John Winthrop set before his shipmates on the flagship Arbella three hundred and thirty-one years ago, as they, too, faced the task of building a new government on a perilous frontier. “We must always consider,” he said, “that we shall be as a city upon a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us.” Today the eyes of all people are truly upon us—and our governments, in every branch, at every level, national, state and local, must be as a city upon a hill — constructed and inhabited by men aware of their great trust and their great responsibilities. For we are setting out upon a voyage in 1961 no less hazardous than that undertaken by the Arabella in 1630. We are committing ourselves to tasks of statecraft no less awesome than that of governing the Massachusetts Bay Colony, beset as it was then by terror without and disorder within. History will not judge our endeavors—and a government cannot be selected—merely on the basis of color or creed or even party affiliation. Neither will competence and loyalty and stature, while essential to the utmost, suffice in times such as these. For of those to whom much is given, much is required.
It has come to dominate political discourse on both the left and the right ever since. Ronald Reagan invoked it during the campaign in 1984, as well as during his Farewell Address to the Nation in 1989:
I’ve spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don’t know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace, a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity, and if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That’s how I saw it and see it still.
This is the ‘city on a hill,’ a city of equal opportunity for all, that Sarah Palin spoke of wresting from the unbalanced hands of Barack Obama, who wanted to redistribute wealth from one well-fed group who has prospered to other groups who have been shunted aside.
I’ve Seen the World From Both Sides Now
But both sides are arguing about ownership of the right to carry the JFK torch forward. Mario Cuomo took Reagan to task for his remarks during his Keynote Address to the 1984 Democratic National Convention (watch the whole speech here):
Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The President said that he didn’t understand that fear. He said, “Why, this country is a shining city on a hill.” And the President is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city’s splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But there’s another city; there’s another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can’t pay their mortgages, and most young people can’t afford one; where students can’t afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can’t find it. Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn’t show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don’t see, in the places that you don’t visit in your shining city.
In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation — Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a “Tale of Two Cities” than it is just a “Shining City on a Hill.”
This speech has resonated with a sector of Democratic electorate, who want to restore balance in an unbalanced world. This is the sector of the electorate that Zbigniew Brzezinski hales from. He wants to restore balance to all, while accusing Republicans of merely capitalizing on political uncertainty.
The New Malaise
We were, until the fall of the Berlin Wall, the protectors of liberal and capitalist freedom in the world. But now, according to Zbigniew Brzezinski, we are back to a vague sense of ‘malaise.’ I think it is important to contest his assertion that we are in for a permanent decline if we don’t restore the American ideal—held by Barack Obama in his mind—to prominence.
When I saw this story, I thought I’d have a go at the return of the ‘malaise’ story, if only to show how wrong I think both parties are about what’s gone wrong in the idealistic world of Jimmy Carter—who thought that all we as Americans had to do was to restore ‘balance’ to the unbalanced world—and the idealistic world of Reagan’s ‘shining city on a hill’—which relies on a sense of American exceptionalism, rather than a more realistic view of the world that we live in.
Mr. Buchanan starts out by detailing the problems faced by President Obama. Brzezinski starts out his response by saying that he ‘can’t really articulate this’ (0:18), but that doesn’t stop him from articulating. He begins his argument with the sentence ‘I have a sense that there were always mobilizing issues’ (0:25). No surprise there. There have always been ‘mobilizing issues,’ haven’t there? Like, maybe, the public’s overwhelming concern with running up deficits with no spending cuts in sight? Well, no. Apparently not, according to Brzezinski. ‘Mobilizing issues’ have been replaced with a ’sense of pervasive malaise’ (0:45).
One momentarily suspects that Brzezinski is either not being an honest provider of unbiased news coverage, or he honestly hasn’t looked at the polls and found out what is going on in this country, which is obvious to me anyway. People, especially on the right, are ‘mobilized’ by issue of uncontrolled spending. There’s a third possibility, however, and that is that he doesn’t have enough insight into the situation and is instead relying on traditional ideas—in this case the ideas of Jimmy Carter—to make up for what he ‘can’t articulate.’
Now my response to Brzezinski at this point is that maybe he should have shut up as soon as he realized that he couldn’t articulate his answer, but he doesn’t. Instead, he goes on to lay the blame at the doorstep of a ‘pervasive malaise.’ Since this is the point of my major disagreement with the former National Security Adviser to the President of the United States of America, I want quote him in full:
‘I think we’re now going through a phase in which there is a sense of pervasive malaise which affects different group of society in different ways’ (0:45).
In other words, the general sense of communal action—the sense that Obama was elected to provide against McCain’s government for the individual—is lacking, and like Jimmy Carter, Brzezinski puts that onto a ‘sense of pervasive malaise,’ rather than thinking more about exactly why he ‘can’t articulate’ his ideas.
Looking Deeper into the New Malaise
This is an important point. The loss of common goals is the sense that Obama ran on and which was the source of his popularity— Brzezinski himself says ‘Obama, who started so well; he captivated people; he captivated me.’ Obama has lost his edge. Brzezinski wants that common sense of purpose back from the ‘special interests’ that have captivated peoples’ imagination. ‘In their own sphere, there is no grand mobilizing idea’ (1:00), he says.
Then he gets to the root of the problem, as he sees it: ‘Obama has not been able yet to generate some sort of organizing idea for an age which combines a malaise that is pervasive and percolating and complexity’ (1:20). His addition of ‘yet’ into the sentence says that he still holds out hope for Obama’s comprehensive idea that would unify the nation, as opposed to ‘people like Romney, Gingrich, or Palin. Each one motivates a slice of all of these concerns…None of them have a comprehensive idea’ (2:10).
Why doesn’t Mitt Romney, Newt Gingrich, or Sarah Palin get credit for having a ‘comprehensive’ plan, I ask myself? They just don’t. It is an argument that relies on his initial premises—a petitio principii in the language of philosophy. He has already decided that Romney, Gingrich, and Palin are not serious and honest players in the political arena, and he has no problem with dismissing their pretensions to higher goals. But with Obama, he sees no problem glossing over his Chicago-style, one party town politics in favor of his candidate’s loftier goals. This is a function of how he represents the two parties in his mind before he starts reasoning.
Pat Buchanan agrees: ‘We need a new paradigm’ (2:16).
‘And the President hasn’t articulated it,’ Brzezinski says (2:18).
Paradigm shifts? Yuck! I learned about such things in graduate school from the work of Thomas Kunhn’s The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. I didn’t like them then, and I don’t particularly feel that they are better today.
Here, in a nutshell, is why. Kuhn believes that science is a step from one discrete paradigm to another.
As Wikipedia puts it:
One important aspect of Kuhn’s paradigms is that the paradigms are incommensurable, meaning two paradigms cannot be reconciled with each other because they cannot be subjected to the same common standard of comparison. That is, no meaningful comparison between them is possible without fundamental modification of the concepts that are an intrinsic part of the paradigms being compared. This way of looking at the concept of “paradigm” creates a paradox of sorts, since competing paradigms are in fact constantly being measured against each other.
Power and a subsequent quest for control follow the person who has the ‘dominant’ paradigm. This makes it important to gain political power. So news networks get ‘both sides’ of an issue in a room and have them argue with each other.
But the exchange between Buchanan and Brzezinski says (to me) that both partners only appear to be on opposite sides of the question. In fact, they are operating on a similar set of assumptions. The same is true of Reagan and Cuomo. Both have the image of JFK’s ‘city on a hill’ in mind, and they are squabbling over property rights.
Idealism’s Failure
The idealism of both liberals and the neoconservatives that sprung up as neocons got nervous about the over-reliance on Marx, is founded on the legacy of JFK, in particular on his ‘city on a hill’ speech.
And it is dying.
The Other Other Side
I would say that the reason that Brzezinski has not been able to articulate his new paradigm because the whole paradigm on which both parties operate in America today is fatally flawed. Each party in the political sphere since JFK has tried to capture the mantle of providing the true ‘city on a hill’ from the other party. An, as each party is engaged in their relentless battle of capture the flag, they not only have to defend their territory, but they must also attack the enemy fortress, denying the other’s ability to lay claim to the common flag.
There is no reason to have a debate in an all-or-nothing argument. The winner takes all. The loser gets nothing. This is the way that the Founding Father set up this country. It puts pressure on people to win arguments by any means, and not through the use of reason.
This is the problem with idealism in general when applied to the political sphere. Politics is a game like American football. We are not throwing for a touchdown on every play. Sometimes players run to the end zone to catch a Hail Mary pass, but at other times they hand the ball off to a runner, who may only gain 2 or 3 yards.
But people who go on television and declare that Republicans or Democrats have no rights to even be on the field (and wouldn’t be except for the ignorance that the idealist stands against) are wrong. It is not ignorance that drives the other side to dismiss arguments that those on the right side of the issue are educated enough to have taken notice of. Politics is not the domain of the ideal. It falls under the domain of reason, and reason proceeds sometimes in yards. Not every position is the last position a politician will ever take.
What’s more, the rational position is more flexible than the position taken by the absolute idealist who throws for a touchdown on every play. Most Hail Mary passes fail to find a receiver, but by mixing up the plays, a quarterback can effectively move the play closer to the ultimate goal. In the political environment in Washington today, the spirit of compromise has been utterly lost in spite of the fact that Obama was elected on a ‘comprehensive’ platform of changing Washington.
Reason has been lost in the pursuit of ‘comprehensiveness’ that is so dear to Brzezinski’s heart. It is not that it is not there. It is that it has been hidden from us and them by the all-or-nothing game that politicians are playing in Washington. Thus, I call reason the unexplored side (the other other side) in the battle for political supremacy.
Back to Zbigniew
Brzezinski’s lament for the failure of ‘comprehensive’ idea that Obama may yet (in Brzezinski’s mind) deliver means that for the present we must endure 2 or 6 more years of Obama’s blindness to compromise, as he forces a series of changes through the Congress on straight party-line votes. Each member of Congress is preordained to align themselves with their political party—and thus against their constituents—in the battle for control.
And this is because Brzezinski holds out the hope that Obama will be cajoled into delivering the undeliverable, while maintaining the also untenable position that Republicans have nothing more on their side than their service of ’special interests’ in a turf battle over control of the whole country.
There is enough blame to go around on both sides. So, before Zbigniew Brzezinski speaks again, I would urge him to think before he speaks about things he ‘can’t really articulate,’ rather than reflexively going back to the failed policies of a ‘comprehensive idea. That is the problem with idealism and its argument to already held premises. The country will only move forward by articulating its premises in the albeit imperfect reason rather the than the perfect potential of ideas that we all have in our head but which we can’t articulate fully.
The city on a hill has outlived its usefulness in a complex day and age. It’s time to try something less satisfying to partisans, who want total control of the most powerful government in the world, but works for the rest of us.


